The west papuan Violence has been a recurrent feature of life for indigenous Papuans under Indonesian rule

Another reason for the absence of peace in West Papua, according to the religious leaders, is the use of violence as the only way to settle problems. Violence has been a recurrent feature of life for indigenous Papuans under Indonesian rule. A report compiled by the Catholic Church and kingmi church of the diocese of Jayapura reported that in 2001 alone there were some 35 cases of violence committed by the Indonesian military (TNI), the Papuan rebels (OPM) and unidentified men.31 To  make such cases public knowledge the religious leaders mention them in their joint statements.An analysis of the documentation compiled by the religious leaders reveals five different kinds of violence in Papua. The first kind of violence is that committed by unidentified men on Indonesian police officers providing protection for private companies or Indonesian migrants working for such companies as well as on Indonesian army barracks and police stations. Dispensing with any investigations, the Indonesian security forces usually blame the Papuan rebels (OPM) for such attacks, which is justification in itself for any subsequent military operations. Indonesian security forces usually close off the whole region in which an incident has occurred and immediately begin military operations lasting several months. During such operations Papuans are intimidated, hunted, tortured and killed. Their houses, domestic animals and vegetable gardens are all deliberately destroyed. Sometimes the security forces also burn down church buildings, health care centres and other public buildings. The people in the villages usually take refuge in the forest to escape the military.  Many of them die of sickness and starvation in the camps there. The security forces refuse to allow humanitarian aid workers, church leaders, religious leaders and health workers to visit the victims of military operations. The second type of violence involves mysterious killings. Civilians, both indigenous Papuans and Indonesian migrants, are often found killed by unidentified men. Although thousands of Indonesian migrants live in West Papua, most of the victims of the mysterious killings are indigenous Papuans, both leaders  of the Papuan resistance movement and ordinary Papuans.,It is common for Papuans to be found dead somewhere, either in the forest, on the street or in the wild grass after having been tortured by unidentified men. In many cases Papuans are the victims of kidnappings carried out by armed masked men. All this creates an atmosphere of fear and anxiety among indigenous Papuans. The third form of violence concerns disputes and fighting between the Indonesian military and the police, for example the fighting between members of infantry battalion 753 and the police in Nabire on 13 May 2001.35 Fighting also took place between members of infantry battalion 611 and the  brimob (mobile brigade, the crack forces of the Indonesian police) in Serui, Yapen Waropen district, on 23 August, which resulted in the deaths of two soldiers and injuries to several others.The fourth kind of violence involves the shooting of unarmed Papuans during peaceful demonstrations against Indonesian rule in all the major towns in West Papua. In July 1998, three Papuans disappeared, eight were shot dead, 33 wounded and 150 arbitrarily arrested and tortured; 33 mysterious corpses were found in the sea and along the coast of Biak, This was after Indonesian security forces had attacked Papuans holding a peaceful demonstration in Biak. InFakfak some 45 Papuans were arrested and tortured by the police during two days of peaceful demonstrations on 28 and 29 March 1999.38 In  Timika one person was killed on the spot, 19 people received gunshot wounds and 118 were tortured by the Indonesian police in the wake of a brutal attack on Papuans holding a peaceful demonstration. The use of violence by the Indonesian security forces against indigenous Papuans continued in 2000, 37 people were killed, many others injured and eight taken into custody during a conflict provoked by the police in  Wamena.The fifth sort of violence is related to the massive presence and arrogance of the Indonesian military as well as their direct and indirect involvement in commercial activities. The religious leaders regard some violent conflicts as being deliberately provoked or orchestrated by the Indonesian security forces in order to justify military intervention. The killing of a certain person is designed to incite a particular group of people into taking revenge. This revenge then provides the justification for retaliation by the security apparatus.
By: MITOPAI WEST PAPUA

interpreted Papua as the Promised holy Land of Biblical stories. In Papuan discursive engagements with Israel

interpreted Papua as the Promised Land of Biblical stories. In Papuan discursive engagements with Israel

I have thus far sketched some of the ways in Papuans link Israel and the Holy Land to  Tanah Papua and to Papuan aspirations for  merdeka, whichever form this freedom might be imagined to manifest itself in. Papuan re-readings of Israel, the Holy Land and events of the Bible are complex, overlapping and in part contradictory. For example, the stories of Moses, the Exodus and entering the Promised Land are reflected in Papuan stories of returning refugees (Glazebrook 2008)  and  occupying Kapeso airfield,  but they came  to opposite conclusions. Returning refugees saw the Biblical narrative as an exhortation to return to the Indonesian state, while the Kapeso airfield occupants interpreted the story as an instruction to struggle against it. Both groups, however, interpreted Papua as the Promised Land of Biblical stories. In Papuan discursive engagements with Israel, either as a beleaguered Jewish/ Christian nation-state, or as the Holy Land, we may see what seem like elusive symbolic interpretations, contradictions and leaps of faith. However, Papuan understandings of Israel/the Holy Land should be interpreted in terms of local logic and experience. Israel and the Holy Land are seen in these re-readings from a very Papuan perspective which is informed by Christianity and local mythology such as Koreri, a history of oppression and marginalisation of the indigenous population, fears of the loss of Papuan identity through an influx of Muslim migrants, and limited possibilities of having open, critical and informed political discussions on issues feeding Papuan discontent.  When Papuans emphasise the special relationship of Papua to a perceived centre of power, we may read this as an attempt to escape marginality and regain agency (Timmer 2000). Drawing on the potency of perceived allies who (often without knowing it) are seen to share a special relationship, the mostly forgotten Papuan political struggles start taking centre stage, at least from the Papuan perspective.

 By : MUTOPAI MOTE

Amerika 18/06/2017

The west papua land is one of holy land in the world

WEST PAPUA IS  ONE OF HOLY LAND

Though by far not all references to Israel in my interviews had a political undercurrent, many interviewees likened  their sense of the Papuan political struggle and sense of being under threat to the situation of the Jewish State. In these discourses, which are also prevalent among certain Christian groups in the West as well as in other parts of Indonesia Christianity and west papua christian  are seen as being  essentially ‘on  the same side’  Thus Israel  and Papua  find themselves as allies as well, especially with regard to the ‘significant Other’: Islam. Papuan informants described Israel as a righteous, plucky ‘underdog’, a ‘small nation f ighting against overwhelming odds’
The idea of fighting against the odds resonated with Papuans who said they were fearful of an Islamisation of their society, especially as Palestine is a  cause célèbre  among politically active Muslims in Indonesia. A direct comparison was made between how ‘most of the lands described in the Bible had once been Christian (sic) and had now become Muslim’, a portent for what was happening in Papua.17  Israel thus was seen as a substitute ‘defender’ of Jewish and Christian rights against perceived Muslim encroachment.18  Papua was described to me in  one  interview  as  being  a  ‘lone  Christian  island  surrounded  by  Muslims’, and the thought of a  powerful ally  seemed to  bring solace.19  Sometimes the view of the Jewish state as a ‘natural ally’ of Christian  Tanah Papua  manifested itself in rumours of Israeli assistance to the Papuan struggle. For example, some informants  asserted  that  the  Israeli  secret  service  Mossad  is  purportedly  helping the  church activist of free west papua.
between the two with respect to international law.  The Israeli government is de facto  and  de jure  in control of its national territory.  While several Papuan politicians claim to represent a government of a Free  West Papua in exile, none of these can claim to control territory of significance. One hundred and f ifty-seven states have full diplomatic relations with Israel and only 20 do not recognise Israel as a state; in contrast, only  Vanuatu seems to support the  West Papuan quest for self-determination. And although  West Papuan independence has been declared several times, the raising of the Morning Star flag in front of the  Nieuw Guinea Raad  on 1 December 1961 was not one of these occasions.23 While the vast majority of my interviewees took a positive view of Israel, it is important to stress that amongst politically active Papuans this is not an uncontested  view.  As  a  student  activist  in Manokwari  stated  after  he  had listened in on my discussion with an older, pro-Israel Papuan leader: I really don’t understand this whole Israel thing. I mean, look at it: it’s the Israelis that are taking away Palestinian land and the Israeli army is acting just like the  TNI [Tentara Nasional Indonesia  – Indonesian Armed  Forces]  is  acting  here,  breaking  human  rights,  shooting  people … If we’re to identify with someone’s struggle, then it’s the Palestinians. His fellow activist agreed and opined, unfortunately without wanting to elaborate any further: I don’t get it either … but you know, I think it’s mostly the older people who do it [display Israeli flags], and I guess the Baptists church , GIDI CHURCH  AND KINGMI CHURCH, It’s like they expect some power from it.  They’re always going on about Israel, Israel, Israel … but I don’t really get it. I don’t really know much about it. Benny giyai influential speaker of the  KINGMI CHURCH also drew parallels to the Israeli occupation when comparing the Indonesian government’s support of Palestinian statehood with its policies in Papua and  West Papua on 2011. This is an interesting contrast with the  West Papua National Authority (WPNA)24  statement below, given the generally close political ties between the two.

A more spiritual reading of the relationship between  Tanah  Papua  and Israel is based on views that the two areas are bound by a divine link.  This is not always separable  from  a more  political  reading  of the  relationship.  The  ‘God  of Israel’ and Jewish symbols such as the Star of David and the  menorah  are routinely used in conjunction with Christian and Papuan symbols, for example in signs denoting customary (adat) land or banners of the  customary as visible in Figures 5.4 and 5.5.
Posted by: MUTOPAI