By : MUTOPAI MOTE
Senin, 19 Juni 2017
interpreted Papua as the Promised holy Land of Biblical stories. In Papuan discursive engagements with Israel
interpreted Papua as the Promised Land of Biblical stories. In Papuan discursive engagements with Israel
I have thus far sketched some of the ways in Papuans link Israel and the Holy Land to Tanah Papua and to Papuan aspirations for merdeka, whichever form this freedom might be imagined to manifest itself in. Papuan re-readings of Israel, the Holy Land and events of the Bible are complex, overlapping and in part contradictory. For example, the stories of Moses, the Exodus and entering the Promised Land are reflected in Papuan stories of returning refugees (Glazebrook 2008) and occupying Kapeso airfield, but they came to opposite conclusions. Returning refugees saw the Biblical narrative as an exhortation to return to the Indonesian state, while the Kapeso airfield occupants interpreted the story as an instruction to struggle against it. Both groups, however, interpreted Papua as the Promised Land of Biblical stories. In Papuan discursive engagements with Israel, either as a beleaguered Jewish/ Christian nation-state, or as the Holy Land, we may see what seem like elusive symbolic interpretations, contradictions and leaps of faith. However, Papuan understandings of Israel/the Holy Land should be interpreted in terms of local logic and experience. Israel and the Holy Land are seen in these re-readings from a very Papuan perspective which is informed by Christianity and local mythology such as Koreri, a history of oppression and marginalisation of the indigenous population, fears of the loss of Papuan identity through an influx of Muslim migrants, and limited possibilities of having open, critical and informed political discussions on issues feeding Papuan discontent. When Papuans emphasise the special relationship of Papua to a perceived centre of power, we may read this as an attempt to escape marginality and regain agency (Timmer 2000). Drawing on the potency of perceived allies who (often without knowing it) are seen to share a special relationship, the mostly forgotten Papuan political struggles start taking centre stage, at least from the Papuan perspective.
By : MUTOPAI MOTE
Amerika 18/06/2017
By : MUTOPAI MOTE
Minggu, 18 Juni 2017
The west papua land is one of holy land in the world
WEST PAPUA IS ONE OF HOLY LAND
Though by far not all references to Israel in my interviews had a political undercurrent, many interviewees likened their sense of the Papuan political struggle and sense of being under threat to the situation of the Jewish State. In these discourses, which are also prevalent among certain Christian groups in the West as well as in other parts of Indonesia Christianity and west papua christian are seen as being essentially ‘on the same side’ Thus Israel and Papua find themselves as allies as well, especially with regard to the ‘significant Other’: Islam. Papuan informants described Israel as a righteous, plucky ‘underdog’, a ‘small nation f ighting against overwhelming odds’
The idea of fighting against the odds resonated with Papuans who said they were fearful of an Islamisation of their society, especially as Palestine is a cause célèbre among politically active Muslims in Indonesia. A direct comparison was made between how ‘most of the lands described in the Bible had once been Christian (sic) and had now become Muslim’, a portent for what was happening in Papua.17 Israel thus was seen as a substitute ‘defender’ of Jewish and Christian rights against perceived Muslim encroachment.18 Papua was described to me in one interview as being a ‘lone Christian island surrounded by Muslims’, and the thought of a powerful ally seemed to bring solace.19 Sometimes the view of the Jewish state as a ‘natural ally’ of Christian Tanah Papua manifested itself in rumours of Israeli assistance to the Papuan struggle. For example, some informants asserted that the Israeli secret service Mossad is purportedly helping the church activist of free west papua.
between the two with respect to international law. The Israeli government is de facto and de jure in control of its national territory. While several Papuan politicians claim to represent a government of a Free West Papua in exile, none of these can claim to control territory of significance. One hundred and f ifty-seven states have full diplomatic relations with Israel and only 20 do not recognise Israel as a state; in contrast, only Vanuatu seems to support the West Papuan quest for self-determination. And although West Papuan independence has been declared several times, the raising of the Morning Star flag in front of the Nieuw Guinea Raad on 1 December 1961 was not one of these occasions.23 While the vast majority of my interviewees took a positive view of Israel, it is important to stress that amongst politically active Papuans this is not an uncontested view. As a student activist in Manokwari stated after he had listened in on my discussion with an older, pro-Israel Papuan leader: I really don’t understand this whole Israel thing. I mean, look at it: it’s the Israelis that are taking away Palestinian land and the Israeli army is acting just like the TNI [Tentara Nasional Indonesia – Indonesian Armed Forces] is acting here, breaking human rights, shooting people … If we’re to identify with someone’s struggle, then it’s the Palestinians. His fellow activist agreed and opined, unfortunately without wanting to elaborate any further: I don’t get it either … but you know, I think it’s mostly the older people who do it [display Israeli flags], and I guess the Baptists church , GIDI CHURCH AND KINGMI CHURCH, It’s like they expect some power from it. They’re always going on about Israel, Israel, Israel … but I don’t really get it. I don’t really know much about it. Benny giyai influential speaker of the KINGMI CHURCH also drew parallels to the Israeli occupation when comparing the Indonesian government’s support of Palestinian statehood with its policies in Papua and West Papua on 2011. This is an interesting contrast with the West Papua National Authority (WPNA)24 statement below, given the generally close political ties between the two.
A more spiritual reading of the relationship between Tanah Papua and Israel is based on views that the two areas are bound by a divine link. This is not always separable from a more political reading of the relationship. The ‘God of Israel’ and Jewish symbols such as the Star of David and the menorah are routinely used in conjunction with Christian and Papuan symbols, for example in signs denoting customary (adat) land or banners of the customary as visible in Figures 5.4 and 5.5.
Posted by: MUTOPAI
Though by far not all references to Israel in my interviews had a political undercurrent, many interviewees likened their sense of the Papuan political struggle and sense of being under threat to the situation of the Jewish State. In these discourses, which are also prevalent among certain Christian groups in the West as well as in other parts of Indonesia Christianity and west papua christian are seen as being essentially ‘on the same side’ Thus Israel and Papua find themselves as allies as well, especially with regard to the ‘significant Other’: Islam. Papuan informants described Israel as a righteous, plucky ‘underdog’, a ‘small nation f ighting against overwhelming odds’
The idea of fighting against the odds resonated with Papuans who said they were fearful of an Islamisation of their society, especially as Palestine is a cause célèbre among politically active Muslims in Indonesia. A direct comparison was made between how ‘most of the lands described in the Bible had once been Christian (sic) and had now become Muslim’, a portent for what was happening in Papua.17 Israel thus was seen as a substitute ‘defender’ of Jewish and Christian rights against perceived Muslim encroachment.18 Papua was described to me in one interview as being a ‘lone Christian island surrounded by Muslims’, and the thought of a powerful ally seemed to bring solace.19 Sometimes the view of the Jewish state as a ‘natural ally’ of Christian Tanah Papua manifested itself in rumours of Israeli assistance to the Papuan struggle. For example, some informants asserted that the Israeli secret service Mossad is purportedly helping the church activist of free west papua.
between the two with respect to international law. The Israeli government is de facto and de jure in control of its national territory. While several Papuan politicians claim to represent a government of a Free West Papua in exile, none of these can claim to control territory of significance. One hundred and f ifty-seven states have full diplomatic relations with Israel and only 20 do not recognise Israel as a state; in contrast, only Vanuatu seems to support the West Papuan quest for self-determination. And although West Papuan independence has been declared several times, the raising of the Morning Star flag in front of the Nieuw Guinea Raad on 1 December 1961 was not one of these occasions.23 While the vast majority of my interviewees took a positive view of Israel, it is important to stress that amongst politically active Papuans this is not an uncontested view. As a student activist in Manokwari stated after he had listened in on my discussion with an older, pro-Israel Papuan leader: I really don’t understand this whole Israel thing. I mean, look at it: it’s the Israelis that are taking away Palestinian land and the Israeli army is acting just like the TNI [Tentara Nasional Indonesia – Indonesian Armed Forces] is acting here, breaking human rights, shooting people … If we’re to identify with someone’s struggle, then it’s the Palestinians. His fellow activist agreed and opined, unfortunately without wanting to elaborate any further: I don’t get it either … but you know, I think it’s mostly the older people who do it [display Israeli flags], and I guess the Baptists church , GIDI CHURCH AND KINGMI CHURCH, It’s like they expect some power from it. They’re always going on about Israel, Israel, Israel … but I don’t really get it. I don’t really know much about it. Benny giyai influential speaker of the KINGMI CHURCH also drew parallels to the Israeli occupation when comparing the Indonesian government’s support of Palestinian statehood with its policies in Papua and West Papua on 2011. This is an interesting contrast with the West Papua National Authority (WPNA)24 statement below, given the generally close political ties between the two.
A more spiritual reading of the relationship between Tanah Papua and Israel is based on views that the two areas are bound by a divine link. This is not always separable from a more political reading of the relationship. The ‘God of Israel’ and Jewish symbols such as the Star of David and the menorah are routinely used in conjunction with Christian and Papuan symbols, for example in signs denoting customary (adat) land or banners of the customary as visible in Figures 5.4 and 5.5.
Posted by: MUTOPAI
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